Sunday, January 04, 2009
Drugs and Prison
and the Global Drug Syndicate
In previous studies we've seen that the international capitalist cabal assaults both foreign nations and peoples and also Amerian workers and institutions. In this essay, we'll examine another of their demonic assaults: reaping obscene profits through incarcerating American workers in their privatized prisons, persons who have been lured into drug use by their global drug syndicate.
America As a Prison Society
Over 40 percent of America's 2.3 million prison inmates are jailed on nonviolent drug related crimes! According to the Justice Department, 7 million people--or one in every 32 adults--are either incarcerated, on parole or probation or under some other form of state or local supervision. One out of every 100 Americans is now in prison!
In 1970 Congress created the National Commission on Marijuana and Drug Abuse to carry out a study and then propose a new drug law. Its official report favored discouraging the use of marijuana, but recommended de-criminalizing it. The recommendation was denounced in 1973 by President Nixon who proclaimed a national War on Drugs. Congress passed legislation giving the same severe jail time for the milder cannabis as for the sale or possession of cocaine and heroin. This remains the foundation of current drug law.
Thirty-seven million, or one out of every six Americans, regularly use emotion controlling medical drugs. The users are mostly women. The pushers are doctors; the suppliers are pharmaceutical companies; the profits are stupendous. In the U.S. as of 2003 there were more than 125,000 alcohol-related deaths a year, 473,000 die prematurely from tobacco-related illnesses--53,000 of these are nonsmokers--while not a single one of the 31,450,000 marijuana users dies because of their use of this benign plant.
According to the prestigious European medical journal, The Lancet, "The smoking of cannabis, even long-term, is not harmful to health. ... It would be reasonable to judge cannabis as less of a threat ... than alcohol or tobacco."
The focus of the drug war in the United States has shifted significantly over the past two decades from hard drugs to marijuana, which now accounts for nearly half of all drug arrests nationwide, according to an analysis of federal crime statistics released in 2005.
A study of FBI data by a Washington-based think tank, the Sentencing Project, found that the proportion of heroin and cocaine cases plummeted from 55 percent of all drug arrests in 1992 to less than 30 percent 10 years later. During the same period, marijuana arrests rose from 28 percent of the total to 45 percent. Today in fifteen states, for a nonviolent marijuana-related offense, you could be sentenced to life in prison without parole, while the national average sentence for murder is six to eight years.
Enforcing marijuana prohibition costs taxpayers an estimated $10 billion annually and results in the arrest of more than 829,000 individuals per year--far more than the total number of arrestees for all violent crimes combined, including murder, rape, robbery and aggravated assault. Of those charged with marijuana violations, approximately 89 percent, 738,915 Americans were charged with possession only. The remaining 90,710 individuals were charged with "sale/manufacture," a category that includes all cultivation offenses, even those where marijuana was being grown for personal or medical use. In past years, roughly 30 percent of those arrested were age 19 or younger. More of our population is now behind bars for marijuana offenses than in any other time in our history.
The US Sentencing Commission reports that only 5.5% of all federal crack cocaine defendants and 11% of all federal drug defendants are "high-level" dealers. The rest are low-level operatives and those caught "possessing." In most cases they're from society's least advantaged and poor, and most of them are black. These convenient targets create a ready supply of bodies to fill prison cells as part of the plan to remove the unwanted from the streets and create a profitable new growth industry at the same time.
Private Prison Profits
Revenues in the private prison corporations passed the $1 billion mark in 1998 and is now closing in on $2 billion. Two companies dominate the privatized incarceration industry—Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) and the GEO Group, formerly known as Wackenhut Corrections. These two companies control 75 percent of the for-profit incarceration market--and make huge donations to Bush and other Cabal lackeys.
Private prison companies remain profitable by supporting political accomplices and supporting strict sentencing laws and tough-on-crime legislation. To maintain profits, corporate-owned prisons need a steady flow of inmates. Mandatory minimum sentences, life terms for “three strikes,” and sentencing juveniles as adults results in growing prison populations and obscene profits.
In 1987, the states collectively spent $10.6 billion of their general funds—their primary pool of discretionary tax dollars—on corrections. In 2007, the states spent more than $44 billion, a 315 percent jump, data from the National Association of State Budget Officers show. Adjusted to 2007 dollars, the increase was 127 percent. Over the same period, adjusted spending on higher education rose just 21 percent.
At the start of 2008, the American penal system held more than 2.3 million adults. China (with 4 times the population of the U.S.) was second, with 1.5 million people behind bars, and Russia was a distant third with 890,000 inmates, according to the latest available figures. Beyond the sheer number of inmates, America also is the global leader in the rate at which it incarcerates its citizenry, outpacing nations like South Africa and Iran. In Germany, 93 people are in prison for every 100,000 adults and children. In the U.S, the rate is roughly eight times that, or 750 per 100,000.
The Cabal's Global Drug Crimes
The current global drug syndicate was brought to its present height of worker destruction by George H. W. Bush when he was defacto president under Reagan and during his term as president. The drug syndicate has mushroomed under both Bill Clinton and Bush II.
On March 30, 1981, President Ronald Reagan was shot and gravely wounded as he was leaving the Washington Hilton Hotel after addressing a labor convention. Reagan was the man who stood in the way of Vice President George W. Bush becoming President. For the remainder of Reagan's term, Bush was the de facto president. The would-be assassin was John W. Hinckley Jr., who had strange ties to the Bush family. Hinckley was found not guilty by reason of insanity on June 21, 1982 and later placed in a minimum security mental facility.
On November 13, 1986, the Reagan administration confirmed a flood of worldwide reports that it indeed had been sending Iran weapons--against both United States law and official policy--for some time. The arms deal was reportedly organized and carried out by a "crisis management" group within the 46-member National Security Council staff. In addition to Robert McFarlane, White House assistant, a prominent member of the team was marine Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, a Vietnam veteran and deputy director for political-military affairs at the Security Council.
After invoking the Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination for seven months, while conniving to get a grant of limited immunity, North finally testified before Senate and House investigating committees in July of 1987.
"I assumed that the President was aware of what I was doing and had, through my superiors, approved," he stated.
North claimed he'd sent five memoranda to President Bush through Admiral John Poindexter, Reagan's national security adviser, requesting permission to divert money from the Iranian arms sales to the contras, a Nicaraguan rebel group.
North's testimony left the impression that the late director of the Central Intelligence Agency, William J. Casey, had masterminded the financing of the contras with profits from the Iranian arms sales. Democrat Senator Daniel Inouye, presiding over the hearings, said that the Iran-contra arms-for-hostages operation was a naked attempt to create a "secret government within our government." The Senate-House investigating committee concluded that "the common ingredients of the Iran and contra policies were secrecy, deception, and disdain for the law. . . . The ultimate responsibility for the events in the Iran-contra affair must rest with the President."
On May 4, 1989, Oliver North was convicted in federal court on three of twelve counts against him. He was fined $150,000 and given a three-year suspended sentence and ordered to perform 1,200 hours of community service. Lackeys of the cabal--like Scooter Libby and Ollie North--caught in criminal acts either spend a few months in a country club prison, receive a suspended sentence, receive an inconsequential fine, or are pardoned by the puppet president.
On September 16, 1991, a federal judge ordered all Iran-contra charges against Oliver North dropped. And on December 24, 1991, President George W. Bush pardoned six officials charged with or convicted of misleading Congress in the investigation of the Iran-Contra affair, including North.
One of those pardoned was former Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, whose trial might have revealed that Bush was not, contrary to his claim, "out of the loop" on the deal. Weinberger's notes concerning his actions as Defense Secretary under Bush I, demonstrated that Bush was definitely in the loop. Admiral John Poindexter claimed that he conferred directly with Bush about the Iran-Contra scheme. Also, Bush and his assistant Donald Gregg communicated regularly with Felix Rodriguez, the notorious ex-CIA agent at the heart of the Contra Supply operation [See Lawrence Walsh's Firewall, 1997].
The Iran-contra affair was actually a gun-running, drug smuggling operation run out of Mena, Arkansas, under the direction of Vice President Bush. 1 Unless we can overturn a presidential decree by George W. Bush to make all previous presidential and vice presidential papers unavailable except through legal action, the elder George Bush's papers will be unavailable for review to see what criminal action was committed.
"The actions of the Reagan Administration during the Iran-Contra scandal revealed a pattern of conduct and a state of mind among important people in this administration which must be described as an American style of fascism. I would prefer to avoid that term, but it is the only one in the modern political vocabulary that adequately describes the situation."
During the one-term presidency of George H. W. Bush, lawlessness extended to the point of using military force to protect Bush's criminal behavior. As Director of the CIA, Bush had hired Manuel Noriega to be his man in Panama. When General Noriega threatened to expose Bush's complicity in gun running, drug trafficking, money laundering, and other crimes, 2 a Federal court indicted Noriega on drug smuggling charges on February 5, 1988.
On December 20, 1989, 24,000 U.S. troops attacked Panama to find Noriega and bring him back to the United States for trial. The military invasion operation, code-named "Just Cause," resulted in hundreds of innocent Panamanian civilians being killed.
The best way to understand this atrocity is to view a courageous documentary video on Bush's terrorist attack against a foreign people titled "The Panama Deception," the 1993 Academy Award winner for Best Documentary Feature.
Produced by the Empowerment Project and narrated by Elizabeth Montgomery, the documentary outlines in stark detail how Bush Sr. used the U.S. military to invade a foreign country without the American press, the American Congress, or the American people raising their voice in protest at such an atrocity.
On January 4, 1990, Noriega was charged in a U.S. court in Miami with drug trafficking and sentenced to 40 years. Before 9/11, Noriega was the only war criminal in an American prison.
The Phony Drug War
The demonic cabal is directly involved in the trillion dollar international drug trafficking activity. To understand the so-called war on drugs we must realize that this is a war that is deliberately being lost. Why?
Provides a cover for U.S. intervention in and control of other countries
Adds to the military budget
Increases foreign sales of U.S. weaponry
Keeps the price of drugs up and the costs down
Domestically, the "drug war" is not about decreasing drug use or drug supply.
It incarcerates millions of felons on the basis of mandatory minimum sentencing
It provides profits for the privatized prison companies
It provides funds to U.S. organizations and individuals through drug money-laundering
The "drug war" allows covert agencies to use it as a source of black funding
Politicians and bankers who are hired to protect the drug revenues
Politicians who receive drug money campaign contributions
The "drug war" inflates police spending and revenues (seizing assets)
It increases repression in the inner cities
It masks the attack on civil liberties
The number of people in America using illegal drugs is said to be down appreciably from the high in 1979.
However, the phony "drug war" which the ruling junta has carried out is responsible for little of this decrease, except insofar as they have put millions of Americans in prison on drug charges. Crack cocaine use is down, for example, primarily because people were smart enough to see its devastating effect on crack addicts.
There are two major approaches to mind-altering drugs: Large-scale incarceration for drug users and military action to stop drug production internationally
Decriminalization and treatment
The American criminal junta takes the first approach because of all the monetary benefits.
Sixty years ago we solved the alcohol prohibition problem. Crime was rampant. Drug gangs battled on our streets. Bootleggers sold their wares everywhere, even to schoolchildren. Police could do nothing. The vast profits of liquor smuggling fueled corruption and violence, and the drug scourge seemed poised to topple America. But on December 5th, 1933, we ended prohibition and made alcohol legal. We could do the same today with heroin, cocaine, marijuana, and other drugs of choice. But the cabal is making too much money from illegal drug trafficking; it doesn't want to stop the phony "war on drugs."
In South America, Coca is as safe as coffee. But it's illegal in the United States so we have cocaine smugglers, dealers, and sellers. Opium is safer than tobacco in the East. Since it's illegal in America we have heroin smugglers who bring in heroin a hundred times more powerful than that used in the East. In our prisons, real criminals are let loose, while pot smokers waste their lives behind bars. So the single largest marketplace for illegal drugs continues to be the United States.
Europe's approach is legalized, regulated markets in soft drugs, making drugs like opiates available to addicts through various treatment programs, and a more humane approach to substance abuse in general. Part of our struggle against the cabal tyranny must be to see that a reasonable drug policy is established and order restored to our neighborhoods destroyed by the "drug war" scam.
The Cabal's South American Connection
A revealing feature of the South American "war on terrorism" is that, unlike the Taliban and al Qaeda, the Bush administration is not destroying the numerous South American drug terrorists. Why? Because the Bush administration and its plutocratic controllers are at the center of the $1.5 trillion per year in U.S. cash transactions that result from the international drug trade. The drug war is a front for pro-multinational military strikes against indigenous peoples.
A drug terrorist, like a Carlos Lehder, a Pablo Escobar, an Amado Fuentes, a Matta Ballesteros or a Hank Rohn, constantly has something like ten billion dollars of useless illegal money that he has to put in a cooperative bank or business venture that will launder it for him. The drug lord is then more than happy to loan the laundered money at five percent interest to underwrite the large corporations and crooked politicians throughout the world.
Wall Street and the cabal depend on the South American drug barons for hundreds of millions of dollars for corporate income and election campaign finances. For every million dollars of increased sales or increased revenues that a company like Enron realized from a buyout, the stock equity of the one per cent who control Wall Street increased twenty to thirty times.
In June, 1999, Colombia's president Andres Pastrana arranged for Richard Grasso, head of the New York Stock Exchange, to meet with Raúl Reyes, the head of FARC finances, in the cocaine-producing DMZ of Colombia. The two were caught in an infamous embrace that saw very little exposure in the media.
Grasso, however, wasn't the only American big-money representative to cozy up to Colombian drug terrorists. Several months after Grasso's visit, two wealthy members of the American Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) captured world headlines by flying to a FARC redoubt in the Colombian jungles to palaver with the terrorists' founder, 70-year-old Manuel Marulanda. After meeting with the drug terrorist, James Kimsey, co-founder and chairman emeritus of America Online Inc., and Joseph Robert, head of J.E. Robert Company, a global real estate empire, flew to Bogota to consult with Colombian president Pastrana. On returning to Washington, the CFR representatives said they were convinced that Marulanda and FARC were sincere in their claims of wanting peace and economic reform.
It may seem hard to believe that U.S. banks and corporations would be involved in laundering drug money from South American terrorists. Even the supine media have had to report some of this criminal behavior. A 1983 ABC News "Close up" on drugs and money laundering fingered Citibank, Marine Midland, Chase Manhattan, and most of the 250 banks and branches in Miami. When Ramon Milian Rodriguez, a top accountant and money launderer for the Medellin Cartel, testified before a Senate subcommittee in 1988, he implicated a veritable "Who's Who" in U.S. finance:
Bank of America
First National Bank of Boston
"In every instance," said Rodriguez, "the banks knew who they were dealing with...." The evidence indicates that Rodriguez is right; the banks often play dumb, but they know what they're doing.
A 1998 investigation of Citibank by the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) revealed that Citibank had secretly transferred between $90 million and $100 million of alleged drug money for a Mexican client, using many creative methods to camouflage the movement of the assets.
The Cabal's War Against Workers
A May, 2008 report on a new prescription drug exposes the hypocrisy and depravity of the cabal's so-called "war on drugs." Several new anti-obesity prescription drugs, including Merck's taranabant and rimonabant--sold in Europe as Acomplia by Sanofi-Aventis but as-yet-unapproved in the United States--claim to reduce appetite by blocking the brain's cannabinoid receptors. Those are the receptors activated by marijuana, resulting in appetite surges. In a study published in Neuron, Massachusetts Institute of Technology researchers found that a cannabinoid receptor antagonist--in layman's terms, a munchies-blocker--stunted the brains of juvenile mice. Which means that the drug most likely disrupts wiring needed for brain development in young people.
So what measures are being taken to make certain that taranabant and rimonabant are branded harmful by national drug testing agencies? Nothing! In fact, both these drugs have been approved for use in adults in Europe and are undergoing tests by the U.S. Federal Drug Agency and will likely soon receive approval for all ages!
Wake up America! A demonic cabal has seized political-economic power in our country. Along with all its other assaults on us, it's throwing millions of workers into privatized, for-profit prisons while running a global drug syndicate to encourage increased numbers of workers to use illegal drugs.
"America is today the leader of a world-wide anti-revolutionary movement in the defence of vested interests. She now stands for what Rome stood for: Rome consistently supported the rich against the poor . . . and since the poor, so far, have always and everywhere been far more numerous than the rich, Rome's policy made for inequality, for injustice, and for the least happiness of the greatest number."
British historian Arnold J. Toynbee
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